The money is good news for a country that is being rattled by inflation of 64 percent, a contracting economy, shrinking foreign reserves and sporadic food shortages.
If you’ve been following all of the news and gossip involving China for the last year, join Kaiser and Jeremy as they take call-in questions and talk insider politics on everything from the ongoing anti-corruption campaign to the question of coming media controls and what on earth we are all doing with our lives in China anyway.
Hu Feng (1902-85) is a name that most students of P.R.C. history have undoubtedly encountered at one time or another. I remember reading it for the first time years ago in Jonathan Spence's "The Search for Modern China." It stuck in my mind because back then I found it incredible that a nationwide campaign could have been launched against a lone writer who was himself a loyal member of the Communist Party, his only "crime," in essence, to suggest that China's creators and consumers of culture needed a little space in which to breathe.
At a high-level meeting of China’s top finance and economics body in June 2014, President Xi Jinping called for a sweeping energy revolution in China, centered on five areas: demand, production, technology, institutional governance, and global markets. The exclusive focus on energy was unexpected for a meeting of the group, which typically deals with general macroeconomic issues. But addressing energy matters at such a meeting also made much sense. In his comments, Xi explicitly linked China’s energy security to the country’s economic prospects, arguing that a long-term energy strategy would need to align with economic goals. This paper does not offer specific prescriptions or solutions, but rather lays out the core elements of China’s energy strategy now and into the near future. The assessment will conclude with a brief discussion of the linkage between Beijing’s energy strategy and its international stance on climate change—a position that is largely a manifestation of its domestic energy and economic concerns.
A week after the tragedy, authorities have yet to provide an official explanation for what went wrong.
China says 95% of its 1.34 billion people are covered by medical insurance. That should have included Zhao Guomei, whose struggle with a rare but treatable disease shows how the system is failing for millions of China’s workers.
WeBank, a joint venture led by Chinese gaming and social network group Tencent Holdings, became the first private bank to start operations under a pilot, after the banking regulator granted licences to six such institutions last year. Its name comes from WeChat, Tencent’s popular instant messaging and social networking app.
A decade ago, Myanmar seemed on course to wipe out the opium fields and heroin jungle labs along its eastern border, the notorious Golden Triangle.
One minute later, at precisely 11:45, the stillness was shattered. Thousands of teenagers swarmed out of the towering front gate of Maotanchang High School. Many of them wore identical black-and-white Windbreakers emblazoned with the slogan, in English, “I believe it, I can do it.”
They pounce on bloggers who dare mock their beloved Chairman Mao. They scour the nation’s classrooms and newspapers for strains of Western-inspired liberal heresies. And they have taken down professors, journalists and others deemed disloyal to Communist Party orthodoxy.
